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Talk:R v Grant/@comment-67.21.155.28-20180328131843
Hitler has a few words: German comrades! Seven years is a short time span, a fraction of a single person's life - barely a second in the life of a whole people. And yet the past seven years somehow seem longer than many decades of the past. A very important historical event is contained within them: the rebirth of a nation formerly threatened by extinction. It is an incredibly eventful time, and seems barely comprehensive sometimes to us, who have not just had the opportunity to witness but also to actually create a small part of it. Democratic ideals are a big topic of discussion right now; not in Germany, but other parts of the world talk about them. We in Germany have learned our lesson with democratic ideals; if the rest of the world praises these ideals, we can only answer that the German people had the chance to live within the purest form of this ideal, and we ourselves are now reaping the legacy left by this democracy. We then get a lecture on the wonderful goals of war, especially from the British side. Great Britain has much experience in proclaiming goals of war, considering they have waged more wars than anyone else. The goals they proclaim today are fantastic: the creation of a new Europe. This Europe will be a just place, and the general equality will make arms unnecessary, so we can all disarm. This disarmament is supposed to kick start a period of economic blossoming, trade and movement should commence, especially trade, much trade, free trade! And from this trade, culture is supposed to bloom, and not just culture, but religion, too. In one phrase: the golden age is supposed to dawn. Unfortunately, this golden age has been described in a very similar fashion on several occasions, and not even by prior generations, but by the same people that are describing it yet again today. It's like a very worn-out groove on an old LP. We should pity these gentlemen, who haven't found a new, big idea to hook the people on, because they promised the same things in 1918: the goal of war then was also a "new Europe" and a "new equality", this new equality whose main element is abolishing a nation's right to self-determination. At that time, an equality that would make arms unnecessary in the future was promised. Thence issued the program of disarmament of everyone. And to make this disarmament especially manifest, it was supposed to be crowned by a union of all disarmed states, which had decided that, in the future, all differences (at least no one doubted there would still be differences) between them should be, well, as it is the custom among democracies, be talked to pieces in open discussions. Under no circumstances should there be any more shooting. And at that time it was already said that the consequences of this disarmament and this worldwide parliament would be an incredible blossoming, a blooming of industry and especially (and much emphasis is always put on this) of trade, of free trade. Culture, as well, should not be disregarded in this process, and while one spoke a little bit less about religion at the end of the war than at the beginning, we at least were told, in the year 1918, that it would be a blessed era that God would smile upon. We are experiencing now what happened then: the old states were dissolved without even asking their peoples' opinion. Not in one single case was the nation asked if it agreed with the measures that others would put into place in them. Old, almost historical bodies were dissolved - not just states, but also economic bodies. One could not imagine something better in their stead, since what is created over a period of several centuries is probably better than anything else; it was definitely impossible for those people that view all of European history with the greatest arrogance to create something better. So it passed that, without taking into account a nation's right to self-determination, Europe was hacked up, Europe was torn open, large states were dissolved, nations had their rights taken away. This was done by first making them helpless, then categorizing them in a manner that predetermined who the winners and the losers would be. There was no more talk of disarmament then, on the contrary, the arms race continued. For no one started solving their conflicts in a peaceful manner, on the contrary, those states with arms waged war just like before. Only the disarmed were not able to forbid the menacing actions of the armed, or even to keep them away from themselves. Paralleling this, of course, came not a period of economic health, but on the contrary an incredible system of reparations led to the economic downfall of not only the losers, but also of the winners themselves. No people felt the effects of this economic depression more than the Germans. The general economic disorganization led, particularly in Germany, to a widespread joblessness that almost ruined our German people. Culture, as well, was not enhanced, but rather ridiculed and warped. Religion took a back seat; in these 15 years no one British spoke of religion; no British person remembered Christian mercifulness or altruism. At that time the gentlemen did not take their Bibles with them on walks, instead, their Bible was the Treaty of Versailles! 448 paragraphs, all of which a burden, an obligation, a condemnation, a blackmail of Germany or towards Germany. And this Versailles was guaranteed by the new League of Nations - not a union of free nations, of similar nations, not a union of nations at all (the actual, founded nations stayed away) - a League of Nations whose sole task was to guarantee this most base of all agreements, this agreement which was not negotiated but instead purely forced upon us, and to force us to fulfill it. So that was the time of a democratic Germany! Today, when foreign statesmen pretend not to be able to trust the modern Germany, it does not apply to the previous Germany: for was not that previous Germany birthed by and created by them, so they could trust it. And how badly they treated that Germany! Who still has complete memories of the history of that time: the horrible collapse of 1918, the tragic occurrences of 1919, and then all the years of domestic economic deterioration, the ongoing enslavement and impoverishment of our people, and most of all the complete hopelessness! Today, still, it is unsettling to think of that time, when a great nation slowly lost trust not just in itself, but in any sort of worldly justice. During this whole time, democratic Germany hoped, begged, and protested in vain. The international financial sector stayed brutally inconsiderate and squeezed as much as it could out of our people; the statesmen of the Allied nations remained hardhearted. It was mercilessly said, on the contrary, that 20 million Germans were too many. No one listened to the wretchedness of our unemployed, no one cared about the ruin of our agriculture or industry, not even of our trade. We remember this silencing of traffic that occurred at this time in the German Reich. At this time, when all hope was gone, when begging was proved to be futile, when protesting did not lead to victory: it was at this time that the National Socialist movement was created from one basic insight: the insight, that one is not allowed to hope in this world, nor beg, nor lower oneself by protesting. Instead, one needs to help oneself! For 15 years, in this democratic Germany, hope was preached, hope for a new world, for new institutions. Every side had its international patron. Some hoped for the international solidarity of the proletariat, others placed their hope in democratic international institutions, on the League of Nations in Geneva. Still others hoped for a global conscience, for a cultural conscience, etc. All this hope was in vain. We have put a different type of hope in the place of that previous hope: the hope of the only help that exists in this world, help through one's own power. The place that hope occupied is now filled with faith in our German people, in the mobilization of its eternal inner values. Back then , we had very little real tools to help us. What we saw as the building blocks of the new Reich, besides our own will, was firstly our people's manpower, secondly the intelligence of our people, and third that which our Lebensraum has to offer, namely, our earth and soil. Thus we began our work and subsequently witnessed this internal German ascent. This internal German ascent, which did not threaten the rest of the world in any way, which was purely internal German reforms, still instantaneously managed to produce hate in others. Possibly the most tragic moment of this happening was when we proclaimed our Four-Year-Plan, an idea which should have enthused the other world: a people wanted to help itself; it did not appeal to others for aid, it did not appeal for presents, for charity, it appealed to its own creative facilities, its own diligence, its own energy, its own intelligence. And still this other world started shouting, British statesmen cried out: what do you think you're doing, this Four-Year-Plan, it does not fit into our global economy! - as if they had let us have part in this global economy. No, they scented the recovery of the German people - and because of this, because we foresaw this and because we noticed this, we immediately began, parallel to this recovery, to remobilize German power. You know these years. 1933, so the same year, in which we took over power, I saw myself forced to withdraw from the League of Nations and to leave the ridiculous conference on disarmament. We could not receive any rights from these two forums, despite years of begging and protesting. 1934: German rearmament began on the grandest scale. In 1935, I instituted the general draft. In 1936 I corrected the situation of the Rhineland. 1937 was the start of the Four-Year-Plan. In 1938, the Ostmark and the Sudetenland were annexed to the Reich. In 1939 we began to shield the Reich against those enemies that in the meantime had removed their masks. The measured introduced in 1939 were to protect the Reich. All this could have been different, if this other world had, even for an hour, showed understanding for the German claims, for the necessities of life of the German people. So often it is said: we should have negotiated this. You remember, my comrades, did I not on more than one occasion raise the issue of German colonial claims before the world? Did we ever receive an answer to this, except for a no, except for repudiation, indeed almost new hostility? No, in Britain and France the ruling classes were determined to renew their fight against us the moment the Reich recovered. They wanted it so. For 300 years, Britain has followed its goal of preventing Europe to fully consolidate itself, just like France has for many centuries tried to prevent Germany from full consolidation.